Situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Each year, hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers flee from conflict, violence or persecution in their homeland. The Democratic Republic of Congo, rich in natural resources and beauty, has been the setting for a deadly war in the past 12 years, with rape as a common occurrence. Rape itself is not a new phenomenon when used in times of war and conflict, but in more recent years it has become strategically important, and sometimes even institutionalized by military and militia groups. But there is something unique about the brutality of rape in the DRC, where gang rape, genital mutilation, sexual slavery and murder of woman and girls of all ages are disturbingly common, with the goal of maximally scarring and humiliating the victims, which sometimes involves the forced participation of family members. No official estimates can truly capture the numbers of women and girls, and even men, who have suffered this form of sexual violence, due to the stigma and shame of rape and fear of repercussions for reporting it, but estimates state that in some parts of eastern DRC, 3 out of 4 women and girls have been raped. This can leave them with severe psychological distress and ongoing medical problems, such as infection with HIV, fistulas and broken bones, and can significantly hinder their caregiving role. Rape can also deeply affect whole communities and families and be culturally and economically devastating. Rape victims in the DRC are often shunned by their families and communities, further increasing their risk of more violence and poverty.

Currently, woman and girls in the DRC have few legal options for fleeing this scene and so must often cross borders illegally. Those fortunate enough to have the opportunity to do this are at risk of further sexual abuse on their journey, by being forced to exchange sex for passage or for food and water in refugee camps, and with increasingly stricter border controls to reduce immigration, it is becoming more difficult for victims of rape to flee their own country for protection by another. Upon arrival, the victims of rape must convince the decision makers that that their case falls under one of the five grounds outlined in the 1951 Refugee Convention which include race, religion, nationality, political opinion or being a member of a social group, and it is often difficult for the traumatized victim to convince the decision makers that their case of rape was motivated by any of those 5 conditions. Although gender specific guidelines have improved this process for women presenting rape as a refugee claim, many decision makers still may consider rape to be the fault of the individual perpetrator and not a matter of collective punishment for political opinion, religion, and ethnicity, nationality or due to membership in a social group, as would be required for obtaining refugee status. In the United Kingdom, it is estimated that more than ½ of all female asylum seekers have experienced rape, witnessed rape or are at a high risk of rape if returned to their homeland. As General Patrick Cammaert, the former UN Military Advisor and Deputy Force Commander, states;

“It is more dangerous to be a woman than to be a soldier right now in DRC.”

“Male rape victim in DR Congo speaks out”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/newsnight/9230126.stm

Committee Speaker Highlight - Brenda Belak

This year's case study on Myanmar will open with an insightful speech from UBC alum and pro-democracy activist, Brenda Belak.

 

Brenda Belak worked in Thailand with indigenous groups from Burma and pro-democracy organizations from 1993 to 2001.  During that time, she documented human rights and environmental issues in Burma for use in advocacy with a number of local NGOs, including Images Asia, an alternative media organization producing reports and documentaries about Southeast Asia. She participated in the UN Graca Machel Study of the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, focusing on child soldiers, and provided information to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. She also provided information to the International Labour Organisation (ILO)'s High Level Investigation into the Use of Forced Labour in Burma and worked as a consultant to the ILO during its site visits to interview survivors of forced labour. 

Furthermore, she oversaw a three-year study of women's human rights in Burma, which culminated in a shadow report to the UN CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) Committee and a lobbying trip to the CEDAW Committee's January 2000 session in New York.  She subsequently wrote a book summarizing this research, "Gathering Strength:  Women from Burma on their Rights", published in 2002. 

Since returning to Canada, she has been an active member of the Pacific Burma Roundtable (formerly the Vancouver Burma Roundtable) and has assisted indigenous women's groups from Burma in providing information to the CEDAW Committee for periodic reviews.

Committee Speaker Highlight - Dr. Ashok Kotwal

Dr. Kotwal is professor at the Economics department at the University of British Columbia and will be speaking for the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). This is a short introduction on Dr. Kotwal and his discussion at UBCMUN.

His major research areas include analysis of organizational structures in LDCs, labour and credit markets in LDCs, interaction between agriculture and industry, economic reforms in India and their impact on poverty, and political economy of developmental policy-making. His fields of interest in Economics have been Development Economics and International Trade and his geographical area of interest is South Asia. His current research projects include understanding the impact of economic reform on employment and poverty in India over the last 20 years.

Dr. Kotwal will be discussing “The Key Question in Development Today”. This will revolve discussions about what the top priority for the World Bank should be. As you may already know the World Bank’s main goal is to reduce world-wide poverty. But where it should focused its attention on? The poorest countries? Post-conflict societies and fragile states? Middle-income countries? Does it justify prioritizing on the poorest countries first before focusing on middle-income countries? Does it make sense to focus on post-conflict states as their infrastructure and physical assets are often destroyed? Should the World Bank even work on rebuilding these societies, given that about half relapse into violence within 10 years? Should it focus on middle-income countries as they already have some infrastructure but lack funds?

If you are interested in being a part of this discussion then sign-up for UBCMUN today!

Media Censorship in Myanmar

Myanmar, throughout the twentieth century, has faced considerable media censorship.  The situation was not always dire, however.  Before British colonization in 1878, Myanmar was a beacon of free press in Asia.  The Seventeen Articles, passed in 1873, were specifically aimed at safeguarding the freedom of press.  As aforementioned, following the British annexation of Lower Burma, censorship became common practice as the colonists repressed local-language propaganda against the British government.  Nevertheless, through the colonial years, Myanmar continued to develop its media.  The number of publications continued to increase until Burma finally gained independence in 1948.  The freedom of expression was eventually guaranteed under the new constitution, an important milestone for the nation. In addition, throughout the 50’s, Myanmar was continually recognized as having one of the freest presses in Asia.  Unfortunately, after the coup d’état of 1962, limits were placed on freedom of expression.   The regime has continually applied laws to its benefit to date.

                Today, in Myanmar under military rule, the dissemination of information is controlled extensively.  Since 1996 several laws passed under the military regime have prohibited any activities which can be perceived as undermining the authority of the government.  In large, this focuses on the media.  The Ministry of Communications, Post, and Telegraphs plays a substantial role in supplementing the government’s goals.  Domestic film production, ownership of media players, and any computer equipment are stringently reviewed by the Ministry.  The acquisition, distribution, or the development of any information that is found to be detrimental to state security is monitored by the Ministry of Communications, Post, and Telegraphs, and is a criminal offence in Myanmar.

                As well, international media in Myanmar is rarely able to work freely.  Since 1995, the BBC and several other international media outlets have been jammed from Burmese airwaves.  With the lack of regular entry of foreign reporters, Myanmar is left to the mercy of its 150 privately owned papers, all of which are subjected to pre-publication censorship by the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, which is run by military officers.  This remains a major concern for the international community ahead of the November 7^th elections, the coverage of which has been limited in international media by the present regime.  The validity of the upcoming election has been heavily questioned by several human rights organizations that doubt the electoral process under the strict media censorship.

Who is Aung San Suu Kyi?

To answer the question "Who is Aung San Suu Kyi?" within a blog post would be a miraculous feat. Hopefully, a brief overview will pique your interest in this amazing women and the situation of her home country.

Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Aung San, who is credited with negotiating Burma's independence from the United Kingdom. His political accomplishments were not celebrated by all and he was assassinated in 1947.

After completing her education abroad and working internationally, at one point for the UN, Suu Kyi returned to Burma to care for her ailing mother. While in Burma, General Ne Win, the military dictator of Burma since 1962 resigned. Suu Kyi hoped that this resignation would bring great change to Burma but after uprisings were violently suppressed by the military, she made the decision to actively become involved. Over the next few years Suu Kyi voiced her beliefs despite laws banning gatherings of more than four people, constant personal harassment, and a ruling prohibiting her from standing for election. Even though she was placed under house arrest before the elections her party, the National League for Democracy, won 82% of the parliamentary seats. This success was never recognized by the State Peace and Development Council and Suu Kyi remained under house arrest.

During her years of imprisonment Suu Kyi has received many international awards including the Nobel peace Prize. Despite requests from many politicians and prominent international figures, Burma has not allowed Suu Kyi complete freedom. Suu Kyi’s strength and passion for a new Burma have become a universal symbol for political change.

UBC 101 Event - Thursday October 28th!

This is a great chance for first time delegates to familiarize themselves with UBCMUN!

Check out this link for more information.

What’s Different about UBCMUN 2011

This year, we’re hoping to make your experience richer and much more enjoyable with a few key changes.

These are just a few of the things we’re working on:

An Entirely New Committee Experience

We’re pleased to introduce, for the first time in the history of UBCMUN, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII). This forum will consist of sixteen member states and approximately 25-30 Indigenous organizations. The room will be set up in a parliamentary style with the purpose of encouraging and enhancing debate and resolution. Click here for more information.

           

A New Direction for the Case Study

            Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. Minority groups assert that all political dissent is often sidelined and silenced. Media censorship is rampant and the ruling military council stands accused of gross human rights violations, including the use of forced labour and relocation. With the upcoming elections in Myanmar, it will be interesting to see the dynamic between the ruling military council and various opposition parties plays out. Will the elections be free and fair, or will they cause even more turmoil in a country already embroiled in ethnic tensions?

This year’s case study will be divided into two groups in two separate rooms, the ruling military council and the various oppressed minority parties and organizations. Click here for more information.

Much More Interactive Roles for Volunteers

            While volunteers will still have the opportunity of being pages, we have created new positions for those volunteers who want a more engaging role in committee sessions. From guest experts to spies to committee positions, we have made it so that those volunteers who would like to play a key role in the conference have the option to. Click here to sign up to be a volunteer.

Bringing Back the Delegate Speech Competition

            With the overwhelming success of last year’s Delegate Speech Competition, we have decided to bring it back for UBCMUN 2011 as well. While there will only be five finalists, our goal is to have as many delegations participate as possible. Click here for more information on how to participate.

Committee Guest Speakers

            For the first time ever, UBCMUN is working on having guest speakers open up the first committee session. We hope that this will provide participants with insight into that particular field of research and perhaps inspire new experiences. Keep checking our blog for more information on specific committee speakers.

A number of these changes are the result of feedback from past participants, if you have any questions, concerns or suggestions, please contact Dominika Ziemczonek at sg@ubcmun.org or Jaskiran Kaur at usg@ubcmun.org.   

Why Participate in UBCMUN 2011?

Why Participate?

If you have never been to a Model United Nations conference before (or have never even heard of Model UN), you are probably wondering what it is and why you should get involved. Model UN (MUN) is a simulation of the United Nations. Participants (known as delegates) take on the role of a country representative and work with delegates from other countries to try and address some of the world’s most complex issues.

In addition to meeting interesting people from across North America, participating in MUN also gives you the chance to hone skills you have acquired throughout the years. Your proficiency in public speaking, debate and negotiation can be practiced and improved through participation in the conference.  Perhaps most importantly, MUN gives you an opportunity to apply your knowledge of international politics and current events in an exciting and challenging environment! This year, our innovative committees are covering a variety of topics from international terrorism to global food security to indigenous rights – be part of the dialogue and register today!

For more information on Model UN, please visit our Model United Nations 101 page. We hope to see you in January!